Professor Xu Zhangrun’s FAU Human Rights Award Acceptance Speech
In the beginning was the written word, moving through the world in song and sorrow.
2024 FAU Human Rights Award Recipient Speech
I am humbled and honoured by being awarded the Human Rights Award from the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg. It also makes me feel uplifted and encouraged, as though a warm zephyr had travelled to me from thousands of miles away, making thereby the early spring at the foot of the Great Wall in North China feel, momentarily at least, less discouraging and desolate. It augurs a future spring when the soil will stir once more and nurturing rains will water the earth.
This unexpected distinction symbolises for me both a ‘sympathetic understanding’ and an ‘understanding sympathy’. It expresses a sense of shared righteousness and decency about which the ancients spoke. Though worlds apart our heart-minds are in true proximity. For me this award is yet another proof of the moral fellowship shared by the best of humanity, one that is grounded in a sense of universal justice. Our lights reflect and enhance each other!
Once more, I find herewith some solace and even a measure of pride in our shared humanity.
The underlying impetus of tyranny is the dehumanising of people, its lessons are aimed at diminishing people’s sense of their own worth and convincing the world that the ruling party and its oligarch are inevitable and inestimable. But the ultimate irony of autocratic rule is that it reveals an unchanging truth: age-old injustices repeatedly well up as modern truths; the knowledge of past cruelties teaches us how to respond to present-day thugs, our sense of decency redoubled and our contempt for the unrighteous honed ever more sharply.
Fellow feeling is native to our condition — The suffering of others causes metaphysical reflection in ourselves. The suffering of others, regardless of who they are or where they are from, excites our empathy and stirs our sense of what is right, decent and just. The impetus for goodness in human nature leads us both to be aware of our insignificance as well as to the transcendent dignity of the human condition.
Law and justice may at times be in a state of desuetude — indeed they are all too often deficient and insufficient, ever subject to abuse. People are thereby pitted against each other and find only a living hell in their fellows. Even though the Ways of Heaven often prove to be unfathomable, the timeless principles of reason are clarion and we are compelled to uphold them even when we are mired in a world of unreason. For if we do not, life itself is untenable.
A sense of justice therefore will prevail in people’s hearts and it will find expression in human affairs, for humanity also seeks to live in a state of peaceful harmony.
This, for me, is not only a fact, it is also a belief. As long as this broken world of ours exists there will be good, something that none of us can bear to abandon.
For me, a student of the law, my vocation is follow the paths of reason and construe the abiding rules [of law]. It is a commitment to shed light on and explain the workings of reason, to strive for justice in a world that hungers to sift right from wrong. Mine is a vocation that is just as much a mission, one that is as fraught with failure as it is with success. This is the inescapable destiny of any true student of the law.
I was born in an age of cruel privation, one littered with starved corpses. Our was a realm of red frenzy and Stygian gloom.
I took not my lessons from the media, nor from the political theories of the day. Quotidian existence taught me everything that I needed to know about the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. I learned how vicious even the weakest and exhausted people subjected to its ruthless vagaries could be. I had my fill of what I have dubbed China’s Legalistic-Fascist-Stalinism, whose reign of terror both stupefies and humiliates its subjects.
Finally, upon reaching my middle years, a crack opened in the Iron Room [in from the late 1990s] and I was finally really able to settle down, no longer having to stress over my basic livelihood. However, because I held the contrarian opinions of a scholar – because I wanted to pursue independent, reasoned enquiry and engage in meaningful public discussion [in the form of my Beijing Jeremiad], I was unfortunately, albeit inevitably, subjected to a precipitous change in fate. I was, for a moment, imprisoned and upon my release I lost everything. From 2019 to this day, I have been ensnared in omnipresent surveillance of the party-state and have eked out my days in a state of ever-present dread.
However, I must admit that all of this is self-inflicted. Since I mentally prepared for the inevitable consequences of my actions I was not entirely surprised by what has unfolded. I felt that I was justified in speaking out and I have no regrets for having done so.
The Ensnared from the start in what has been and essentially remains a tyranny, I knew just how far I could go, yet it simply was not in my nature to be a submissive and acquiescent bystander to what has been going on in China. All I did was to pursue the moral duty incumbent upon a scholar to ‘speak up’.
Having chosen the life of a legal scholar, it was only natural for me to pursue the principles of the law to analyse the underlying nature of public reason and to derive thereby an understanding of justice as a public virtue. One such as I could never simply turn a blind eye to the injustices that are rampant in our environment or sit idly by while a tyrannical system has its way with people. I felt that I simply could not play the bystander who seeks solace in retreat and smug self-preservation.
I saw myself as a Chinese person who aspired to being, really being, a citizen of China. And I felt that it was only by pursuing to my best ability the duties of a citizen and by shouldering my civic responsibilities — that is, by moving from a natural state of being to a political state — that I could truly, fully express myself as a human being. It also meant that I couldn’t be less than that, to live a life of vacuous meaninglessness.
Thereafter, I still refused to submit to the regime of imposed silence. There was simply no other way for me to act: ‘Although the world around me fell silent an explosive spirit stirred in me.’ So I continued to resist and to speak out and, before long, I was reduced to a life as a frustrated poet, albeit one free in spirit. Yes, I had lost my voice, but words were still my province. So, late at night I would compose my thoughts just as early in the morning poetic stirrings would give voice to my sorrowful protests. I would continue, even if the only word I could muster was ‘No!’ I would and will resist the sense of helplessness imposed by a regime that demands meek submission. I would not simply be a bystander. I reject the nihilism of the day for, if life is to have any meaning at all, it is one that comes from our meaning-making.
Ultimately, Granted, we are insignificant beings, impotent, reduced to living in trepidation, yet even in our benighted weakness we can decide to reject psychological terror:
We fragile mortals with no other weapons at our disposal than our thoughts and our words. They arm our actions. It is belief in these — thoughts and words — that empowers us and lends us immortality, regardless of whether we face bouquets or brickbats. We always have the choice to praise the world and lament its failings, reciting our poetic protests as we traverse existence. After all, ‘In the Beginning was the Written Word’ and humankind is born to sing and sigh and with that we transcend the barrier between being and nothingness. Regardless of how vile the tyranny becomes, it will never be able to steal our voices.
Although they can never ‘steal the spring’ from us, but the stench of their evil reaches into every season, be it spring, summer, autumn or winter. Their weapons are violence and lies, deployed to generate an ever-present terror that defies human nature — it impinges on our natural rights, violates our innate decency and corrupts our propensity for goodness. Their murderous threats would reduce our boisterous cacophony to next to nothing.
Yet humankind is born to speech and we demand to speak up and sing out. And so it is that we find ourselves in opposition to the Powers that Be, unyielding and therefor fated to suffer.
Here I would reformulate the words Ralf Dahrendorf used in his commendation for Raymond Aron when the latter was awarded the Goethe Prize in 1979. Just as Dahrendorf said that ‘Germany is my destiny’, I would say that ‘China is my destiny’. I would add that the fate of the world is our shared destiny. It is a profound burden, as heavy as the proverbial Mount Tai; a destiny from which I cannot flee and I from which I do not choose to shelter. It is a destiny that I accept. To prevent our world from being dominated by banditry, and as an expression of the promise of dignity, I believe that we must confront things head-on no matter how uneven the odds, and do so without hesitation.
As I write these words, a deeps sorrow wells up in me once more. For my homeland, one which has endured a century of bloody struggles, can still only dream of achieving democracy. For a time it seemed as though our goal was in sight, but now it has, yet again, receded far into the distance.
The cruel reality is that even as China saw economic growth, political democracy remained stunted. The totalitarian party-state continued to inveigle itself into every aspect of life, maturing as it evolved. It parades itself in rhetorical finery, empty words that dissemble and disguise its usurpation.
Our pursuit of democracy was inspired by what was then the modern politics of the West, later the United States was widely regarded as being a model worthy of emulation — its pluralism was akin to a shining beam that seemed to be able to penetrate the gloom.
How plangent then that ‘broligarchs’ have hijacked what had seemed to be a mature and stress-tested democracy. Everything must serve the ‘winning coalition’ and even imperial ambitions long ago consigned to the past are enjoying a resurgence. Naked fascism cannot be ignored, nor can the fact that the regime openly takes the side of an aggressive tyranny. The world is agog as we witness the arbitrariness, arrogance and boorishness of the regime, one that would eclipse the democratic model. They treat the pursuit of such ideals as global governance and democracy with contempt and thereby also undercut the aspirations of many in China. Their leadership in global tyranny succours the worst in humanity and harms the best. What more can be said? Pax Americana and its global system are unravelling. It is nothing less than a disaster for those committed to the pursuit and defence of freedom and democracy. For China, a nation that has yet to grow into democratic politics, this is a disaster it is nothing less than catastrophic!
What this means for scholars, in particular scholars who study law, in countries that remain in a state of pre-modern politics like China, is that they are duty bound to pursue unflinchingly ‘thoughts and words’ to confront the behemoth one that, in the context of China, I call ‘Legalo-Fascist-Stalinism’.* We simply cannot afford the luxury of being bystanders.
Scholars in countries with an established democratic order and constitutional protections are also discovering that their ‘thoughts and words’ also matter and are in fact essential to the struggle to counter a theocratic populism that exploits the democratic system and to frustrate attempts to impose authoritarianism.
It is one of the ironies of our times that the very system that made it possible for citizens to freely associate and create a democratic system also, in the guise of freedom — in particular freedom of speech — also allows all manner of forces to flourish that are determined to subvert democracy. Populist demagogues and tribalist ‘strongman’ from various points on the political spectrum – be it red tyranny on the left or far-right Nazis – can form thuggish alliances and create opportunities to subvert democracy in the name of false democracy.
History informs us that this dolorous farce can be recycled endlessly bringing in its wake untold pain and suffering. So Enlightenment is an ongoing quest, not a foregone conclusion, similarly the pursuit and defence of democracy is a persistent challenge. Every generation faces this burdensome responsibility. Poets, ‘the unacknowledged legislators of the world’ and scholars of law, as well as all of those who take this task upon themselves — we call them ‘intellectuals’ — use their ‘thoughts and words’ to prick the conscience of humanity. Time and again they remind us the no one can really afford to be a bystander.
In the early autumn of 1992, when I was almost 30 years old, the age when we should ‘establish ourselves’ [according to the Analects of Confucius], I finally was able to overcome various obstacles to travel abroad for the first time. After years of self-imposed isolation Chinese people were all but blinded by the lights of the outside world. My destination on that first trip overseas was none other than the newly reunified Germany, the Heimat of Kant and Goethe, the place that gave birth to the concept of ‘perpetual peace for mankind’ and where the immortal Faust was written. Since my earliest days, German culture had had a special place in my heart. After such self-harm, China was yearning to build anew, just as its children were thirsty to learn from developed countries and follow a similar path to a universal civilization. For more than a hundred years, Germany, Europe and ‘the West’ more broadly have been something of a ‘promised land’ for China. Although one is all too aware of the gap between reality and ideal, indeed, given that there is no paradise on earth, these do not thereby diminish the appeal of brilliant ideals that proffer a better future for humanity. For it did just such guilelessness innocence that can embolden us to break out of the stifling cage of imposed reality in our quest for a more liveable world. And things have become better and more accommodating to human potential. — The very fact that I am able to join you al all, albeit virtually, reflects not only the drag of reality but it is also proof that ideals can also forcing reality to make concessions. Joy and sorrow thereby intermingle in my heart.
There, I’ve proved that I’m an incurable idealist, an intractable progressive. Sure, I may be somewhat naïve – but my guilelessness is imbued with deep sorrow, and together they have sustained me. Without the support of such ideals and ‘classical’ progressive beliefs, how those like me survive in a world such as mine, and how can we possibly live meaningful lives?! For all of our faith in the inherent goodness of human nature, we are also wary of the human heart. For trust and belief go only so far. We know that we must also be protected from the caprice and vagaries of power. We know it is necessary to tame the Leviathan with constitutional democracy, and above we have learned that overcoming the red tyranny lies on our path to common survival. Thus, when I talk about the role played by ‘thoughts and words’ I’m also advocating for us to be ‘people of integrity’, to be a fearless individuals despite the very fears that would deter us. For me the duty and vocation of a legal scholar is to be burdened by the métier, the calling that excites their devotion.
How can you possibly appreciate the profound stimulation — sensory and spiritual — imparted to me during that first overseas trip; things that have only become more meaningful with the passage of time. My gratitude for that first adventure remains undiminished.
Thirty-three years have passed in but the blink of an eye. Now I have become one of China’s ‘Former People’, as Geremie Barmé puts it. I live in seclusion, a social reject. Mine is a tremulous precarity, bound by limits in all directions yet free still to imagine the possibilities of a better future.
Therefore, respected Professor Eva Pils, please allow me to express my sincere gratitude to you and your university, to President Joachim Hornegger, Professor Heiner Bielefeldt and to Professor Markus Krajewski, for this profoundly meaningful academic recognition and for your moral sympathy. Even more important is the fact that I share with you Lynn irrepressible longing for a better world free of oppression or aggression; a world with equality for all and where peaceful coexistence is a reality. Please indulge me as I quote a few lines from one of my own poems:
We are born as beings of flesh and blood, from heaven and earth,
To live with the painful intensity of human tenderness.
Therefore, forgive me, Motherland: I have been given life,
But I have recklessly followed my passion and lived an unruly, rambling life
⋯⋯
⋯⋯
I cannot suppress it,
This inner longing of my soul for freedom —
Freedom, freedom —
You inspire my soul still.
On 12th Day of the Second Month of the Yisi Year of the Snake
The 11th of March 2025.
Written at my home by an old river bed north of Beijing
some sixteen kilometres from the Juyong Pass of the Great Wall of China.
*Note by Professor Geremie Barmé on ‘Legalo-Fascist-Stalinism 法日斯 [Fa-Ri-Si: one that is cobbled together from strains of traditional harsh Chinese Legalist thought — Fa 法; that is, 中式法家思想 — wedded to an admix of the Leninist-Stalinist interpretation of Marxism — Si 斯; 斯大林主義 — along with the “Germano-Aryan” form of fascism — Ri 日; 日耳曼法西斯主義].
Translation: Geremie Barmé, Alexandra Kaiser, and Eva Pils, with many thanks to an anonymous colleague.
Professor Xu Zhangrun’s FAU Human Rights Award Acceptance Speech
太初有字，歌哭而行
2024年FAU人權獎獲獎致辭
我以謙卑莊敬之心，接受纽伦堡大学頒授的人权奖，倍感慰勵。這份溫暖來自萬里之外，使得此時此際長城腳下北國早春的蕭瑟凜凜，似乎也不那麼迫人氣餒和絕望，因為春天，畢竟，春天正姍姍來遲，而所有的泥土都將蘇醒，雨水早晚會慷慨地澆灌大地。
這一不虞之譽所象徵的“同情之理解”和“理解之同情”，及其道義激勵，印證了“人同此心，心同此理”這一華夏古訓，而咫尺天涯，心心相印，端為奠立於普世公義之上的人類情義所繫，這才息息相關，而燈燈相映矣！
凡此種種，不禁讓我感到，再次感到，生而為人，我們確乎值得自豪——至少，審慎地自豪。
而暴政的信條正在於不把人當人，也教你不把自己當人，在將天下歸於一黨一姓之際，惟有獨裁者定於一尊。說來奇妙，可恰恰彰顯出人心的卓絕之處就是，千年前的悲欣照舊攪動今人的心懷，忍不住臨風掩卷，折淚而泣；遠方戰火紛飛，強盜打上了門，我們為弱者鳴不平，而痛恨人獸幾稀，對拉偏架的幫兇嗤之以鼻。
這就如同眼見有人受苦，無論是否相識，也不管是否同宗同鄉同胞，總會於心不忍，乃至於援之以手，進而，並因同情與義憤而導向關於是非、正邪與罪福的形上之思，彰顯了人性中不絕如縷的善根，而為人之為人的卑微若塵卻又超邁崇高作證。
換言之，人間的法律和公道時或隳頹，事實是時常慘遭塗炭，總會遭受侵凌，以致於每個人向每個人開戰，人與人互為地獄，但天道冥冥，天理昭昭，這人世總需講理，不得不講理。否則，沒法過日子。
故而，公道自在人心，公義總會昭彰於世，尋常世態，人類終究合眾群居，於和平共處中挽臂前踽行。
此為事實，更是信念，讓這個殘缺的人世一息尚存，而時見美好，叫我們戀戀不捨。
在此，法學家職在理述與編織規則，志在明理而講理，由辨析是非而致公天下，則沉浮於使命，恪盡其性命，既是宿命所在，更為天命所繫矣！
在我而言，一己身心，生於餓殍遍野的飢饉年代，長於紅色極權恣肆，而暴政高壓致令舉國密不透風、彷如鐵桶的黑暗濁世。
不是從媒體上，更非從理論中，而是於每天起居其間的生活煎熬的夾縫裡，痛知何為“無產階級專政”的弱民與疲民之殘暴，領略了“法日斯”暴政愚民與辱民之恐怖。
逮至中年，鐵桶開了一條縫，生聚總算安定下來，溫飽無虞，可只因處士橫議——還是要講理，必須講理—不幸卻必然地，乃頓遭橫厄，鋃鐺入獄，從此失去一切，跼處黨國如蛛網般無處不在的監控之下，慄慄苟活至今。
只不過，這一切其來有自，早有心理和精神準備，也是自我選擇之必然，因而，倒也並不太過驚駭。毋寧，求仁得仁，無所悔焉！
其間經緯，大致而言就是，不幸置身於“法日斯”暴政之下，雖自知一己有限，卻無法唯唯諾諾，只做個旁觀者，於是不平則鳴，恪盡一介書生“說話”的天職。
至於一生供役法學，選擇做個法學家，意味著必得以法律為業，援法理以辨析公理，循公理而求公義，絕不能無視不公不義橫行天下，坐忍極權暴政蹂躪萬民，同樣無法只做個“躲進小樓成一統”的旁觀者。
再次，身為一介國民和嚮往成為的公民，只有通過擔當國民義務，肩負起公民責任，從自然走向政治，才能真正兌現人之為人，同樣決定了還是不能—更不能—只做個旁觀者。
最後，正因為對於箝口封喉之不服，心欲飛翔，而無處逃亡，“所有的寂靜都是我沈默中的爆炸”，於是抗喉放歌，不期然間，在下讓自己被迫而幸福地活成了一個蹩腳詩人。失聲而不失語，夜幕下低詠高嘯，黎明時長歌當哭，哪怕拼盡全力只能說出一個“不”字！—還是必須抵制聽天由命的無能為力感，同樣不能只做一個旁觀者。畢竟，極致而言，活著一場空，但生命絕非指向虛無。
終於，我們微不足道，活得戰戰兢兢，但卻是決心不再心懷恐懼的弱者；
我們只是一具肉身凡胎，多數時候手無寸鐵，惟恃“思與言”直道而行。也正因為信持“思與言”的力量及其不朽，不管面對鮮花還是刺刀，無保留地選擇了為世界的悲欣歌哭於世，也只能一路歌哭，直道而行。畢竟，“太初有字”，人類是生來歌哭而行、徜徉生死的物種，暴政，你再邪乎，豈能奪走人聲！
是的，“他們搶不走春天”，但他們作惡不分春夏秋冬。他們以暴力和謊言二柄，製造恐懼，凌夷天賦人權，踐踏愛美之心與向善之念的基本人性，發出死亡威脅，迫使原本喧嘩的人間幾乎鴉雀無聲。
但是，我們天生是說話的物種，偏要大聲歌唱！如此，這便鋒芒對壘，而強項不屈，則受難不免。
在此，模仿拉爾夫·達朗多夫（Ralph Dallangdorf）在1979年法蘭克福的歌德獎頒獎致詞中的那句話：“德國是我的命運”，不妨說，“中國是我的命運”，而世界的命運便是我們共同的命運。這命運如山，泰山壓頂，躲不掉，逃不脫，只能承受，可為了這個我們棲身的人間不致於淪為匪幫，也是兌現對於一己尊嚴的承諾，“雖千萬人”，惟有迎面槓上，在所不辭！
走筆至此，不禁深感悲哀。在我耳熟能詳的祖國，雖經百年浴血，民主依舊是個夢，似乎就差臨門一腳，卻又遙不可及。
冷酷的現實是，伴隨著經濟發展，政治民主不見長進，極權主義反倒步步為營，愈發老到，以美好辭藻為幟而為倒行逆施之實。
歷史而言，中國近代的政治民主化起自對於西方立憲民主政體的模仿，晚近以來，美國以其多元磅礴立世，尤其成為不少國民心中效法的榜樣，曾經激勵過無數沸騰澎湃的心志，點亮了多少夤夜燃灼的夢想之光。
可當此之際，令人浩嘆的是，大洋彼岸，一個歷經考驗的成熟民主政體居然彷彿為“兄弟幫伙寡頭式”政治（broligarchy）所劫持，一切服務於“致勝聯盟”，連早已沉入歷史記憶中的帝國野心都居然再度膨脹，伴隨著逐步明顯的法西斯化傾向，公然站在野蠻侵略者的暴政一邊，其任性、傲慢與粗蠻，在令世界驚掉下巴之際，更使得曾經的民主樣板黯然失色，對於包括中國在內的全球治理和民主理想追求，構成了莫大諷刺，無異於為全球暴政體系張本，而戕害尤巨，親痛仇快，夫復何言！——八十年的世界體系及其長和平，就此宣告終結，而這對於包括尚未長進民主政治之境的中國在內的人類追求和捍衛自由民主事業而言，卻洵非福音矣！
進而言之，這也說明，在像中國這類尚未抵達民主之境的前現代政治國族，如果說包括法學家在內的讀書人不可推卸的職責，在於每天都得面對“法日斯”紅色巨獸，絕不能只做個旁觀者，惟憑恃“思與言”，冥行擿埴，直道向前，那麼，在已然建立了立憲民主政體、現代政經大局早已底定的國族，防範僭主式政治復辟，警怵政治神學性政治操弄，或者民粹主義政治對於民主政體的侵蝕和傷害，可能，同樣不可避免且刻不容緩，而所能憑恃的依然還是“思與言”也。
說來令人感慨，民主體制賦予公民以自由，因而形成了自己的强大政治凝聚力和道义感召力，其堅強穩固，其得謂常態政治和永續國家，也由此而來。但也正因為自由，尤其是言論自由，使得包括民粹主義蠱惑、部落式強人政治——不論紅色暴政或者極右納粹——在內的一切顛覆民主的勢力聚囂成陣，從而，使得假民主之名顛覆民主有机可乘。
揆諸歷史，這一鬧劇曾經屢次重演，而后果創巨痛深。由此可以看出，所謂的啟蒙絕非一勞永逸，而保衛民主卻永遠都是當務之急。毋寧，它是一個需要一代又一代人前赴後繼的重責，同為常態而永續。在此，法學家和詩人，一切選擇擔負此役的讀書人，所謂的知識分子，以“思與言”灼痛人性，不外乎時刻作此提醒，又豈能只做個旁觀者？！
一九九二年初秋，已經快滿三十歲了，所謂的而立之年,敝人才終於衝破阻礙，有了第一次出國旅行的機會。閉關鎖國久矣，等到再度擁抱世界，華夏子民幾乎兩眼一抹黑。話說，這是我第一次離開祖國，去往萬里外的異鄉，而目的地不在別處，正是剛剛重獲統一後的德意志——康德和歌德的故鄉，“人類永久和平”的悲憫理念和不朽的《浮士德》的孕育與誕生之地，也是我讀書伊始，自幼及長，心中冥冥的輝煌文化之邦。祖國經磨历劫，百廢待興，她的兒女心心念念，總不外以先發國族為師，追隨和皈依普世文明大道。一百多年裡，德國及其所在的歐陸，廣義上的西方，就是這樣的“應允之地”。雖然現實跟理想之間恆有差距，人間沒有天堂，但這絲毫無礙燦爛理想引領人類前行的感召力。也正因著這一份不絕如縷的珍貴天真，理想沖破了現實的牢籠，這世界才有望適合人類居住。而晚近以來，架漏牽補，也確實更加宜居。——在下今天得以這種方式跟諸君見面，既是現實依舊的寫照，也是理想逼迫現實有所讓步的證明，還是一個悲欣交集！
是的，看得出來，我是不可救藥的理想主義者，也是不可救藥的進步論者，可能多少有些天真——濡染深重滄桑的天真，可正是這些養活了我自己。否則，無此理想和“古典”進步信念支撐，我們該如何存活於世，又怎能正當措置此生？！但更為重要的是，我、我們堅信，雖然人性本有善根，但卻必須永遠警惕人心，不僅是因為我們知道不能一味癡信人性和人心，更在於堅信，惟有對於政治權力的永恆防範，以立憲民主馴服龐大利維坦，尤其是必須擊潰邪惡的紅色暴政，才會引導我們踏上共同倖免於難之道。由此，“思與言”意味著“士志於道”，儘管我們擔驚受怕，但沒奈何，必須做個無畏的個體。同樣在此，法學家職業所繫，志業所在，故而，責無旁貸，承載尤重。
——因此，可以想像，這一趟旅行引發的感官驚訝和心靈震撼，雖然同樣姍姍來遲，卻歷久彌新，而隨著時間推移，其於理念和心靈，確乎愈發深重矣。——感念，這一趟難忘的遠鄉之旅！
轉眼三十三年遽逝，如今在下早成白杰明教授所敘的“前世之人”（former people ），僻居於另冊，觳觫以存世，而山河帶礪，雲水相隔，理想的彼岸，雖不能至，心嚮往之！
因此，尊敬的艾華教授（Prof. Eva Pils），請允我在此向您和貴校，向尊敬的约阿希姆·霍纳格尔校長（Joachim Hornegger）、海纳·比勒费尔特教授（Heiner Bielefeldt）和马库斯·克拉耶夫斯基教授（Markus Krajewski），謹致謝忱，為了這一份珍貴的學術認可與道義同情，更因為對於我們共同衷心祝禱的那個沒有壓迫和侵略、人人平等、萬民和平共處的美好人間，永懷遏止不住的憧憬與熱愛！尤其是——請允許我用自己一首詩中的詩句來表達—.
生而為人，我們是天地的骨肉
本就是一汪錐心蝕骨的血色溫柔
所以，被擄的祖國，請原諒
原諒我天生地養，熱血湍蕩，一生不羈放浪
⋯⋯
⋯⋯
止不住、止不住
實在止不住喲對於自由——
——自由哦，自由
心馳神往！
乙巳二月十二，二零二五年三月十一日，於京北故河道旁，此距居庸關長城十六公里。